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Issue 7, May 2001 A significant step towards proper consumer
information
For hundreds of years, past
generations smoked in complete ignorance of the harm caused to their health. It
was only in the middle of the last century that the connection between smoking,
ill-health and premature death came to be fully recognised. Nowadays, the risks
speak for themselves. Every second EU citizen who smokes regularly will die
prematurely as a result, losing, on average, fourteen years of life. Each year
smoking kills more than 550,000 people in the EU – more than one million
throughout Europe as a whole. Tobacco is the cause of the
greatest health epidemic in the world. Given what we now know, no government
would ever allow tobacco to be marketed if it were to be ‘discovered’ for the
first time today. Yet despite our knowing the real consequences of smoking for
the past fifty years, the tobacco industry has escaped virtually any
regulation. Tobacco companies have been allowed to sell a product, well aware
that it will kill one in two of their regular customers when used exactly as
intended, but without any obligation to provide honest and meaningful consumer
information. The EU Directive on Tobacco Product Regulation has been introduced as an Internal Market measure. This is right
and proper, given that tobacco is a consumer product widely traded throughout
the EU; often by multinational companies using the same brand names, imagery
and marketing techniques from one country to another. But, as the Treaty
requires, the Directive also seeks to ensure a high level of human health
protection. In this respect, the Directive can be seen as an important
initiative by the EU to promote the interests and well-being of its citizens. The Directive will have the effect
of removing trade barriers in the EU, for all manufacturers will have to
operate to the same standards and with the same degree of transparency
throughout the Community. It respects and upholds the right of consumers to be
fully and properly informed about the nature of alternative products on the
market. By ensuring accurate and clearly visible warnings about the risks
associated with the product, the Directive also has the potential to protect
public health. For all these reasons,
we urge Members of the European Parliament to support the text of the Directive
agreed recently in conciliation, when it is put to the vote during the
forthcoming Strasbourg Plenary Session. Provisions of the Directive
The Directive has to be transposed
into national law by 30 September 2002. Most provisions have to be implemented
within the following two years, although the final date of application of
maximum yields to export products is delayed until 01 January 2007. The main
features are:
Mechanisms will be introduced to
ensure that the implementation of the Directive is properly monitored and that
the provisions of the Directive are kept up-to-date in terms of scientific
developments. These ‘mechanisms’ include the establishment of a regulatory
committee and a duty on the Commission to provide bi-annual reports to the
Council and the Parliament. The tobacco industry and job losses
The tobacco industry’s major complaint
against the Directive concerns alleged job losses. The industry claims that the
so-called ‘ban on exports’ will mean factory closures as production is moved to
plants outside the EU. British American Tobacco (BAT), for instance, has
‘warned that it might be forced to shut two factories in the UK, with the loss
of 1,800 jobs’. BAT workers have travelled to Brussels and Strasbourg to lobby
MEPs to ‘safeguard their livelihoods’. Yet there are inconsistencies in these
arguments, and in the overall attitude of the tobacco industry towards job
security. First, the Directive contains no
‘ban on exports’. It applies to all tobacco products, whether manufactured or
marketed within the EU. This respects the principle of natural justice and
recognises that the EU has responsibilities for health which are indivisible.
Why adopt one set of standards for EU citizens and another for people living
elsewhere? Second, there is no evidence that
export markets will refuse to accept tobacco products that comply with the new
EU regulations on maximum yields. The allegations of potential job losses are
based on a hypothesis that has not been justified. In fact, in terms of
consumer self-interest, the argument is much more likely to be wrong than it is
to be right. Thirdly, the numbers of alleged
job losses are not justified. Any number will do, so long as it is sufficient
to frighten MEP’s into voting against the Directive. This is not rational
advocacy, but scare tactics; the industry is shamefully using its workforce to exert
emotional pressure on policy makers. The workers protest that they are worried
about their livelihoods. No mention of the lives of consumers whose health is
daily put at risk by their products. Fourthly, the tobacco industry is
two-faced in its concern about jobs. When it is in its economic interests to do
so, the industry is happy to lose jobs. Ironically, as the Directive was being
debated last year, the tobacco trade journals were reporting takeovers,
acquisitions and corporate restructuring, involving job losses designed to meet
‘aggressive performance targets’. One story related to Japan
Tobacco, which had purchased R J Reynolds International (manufacturers of Camel
cigarettes) in 1999 [1].
It was proposing to close its Manchester Tobacco Co Ltd (MTC) plant, because
overcapacity in the tobacco market ‘brought into question the need to export
from MTC to other European countries and the Middle East [2].’
Another concerned Brown & Williamson – which is owned, ironically by BAT.
In common with many western tobacco companies, BAT had bought heavily into
eastern Europe’s tobacco industry (previously state monopolies). Through the
1990’s, this process of purchase and investment was followed by
‘rationalisation’, and then job losses. As BAT workers were lobbying MEP’s over
alleged job losses in Strasbourg last December, BAT’s subsidiary in Georgia
announced plans to ‘eliminate up to 300 jobs through a voluntary separation
programme at its plant in Macon’ in order to reduce costs [3].
Did BAT send its workforce to lobby any politician, anywhere, about real job
losses in Georgia? Why ask? Why? Why go on about this at
length? Because the issue of job losses has proved to be the tobacco industry’s
major argument against the Directive. From every angle, however, it proves to
be a false argument. It deserves to be rejected, just as much as the Directive
as a whole deserves to be supported in the interests of proper regulation of a
widely traded product which has such devastating consequences for individual
consumers and for public health. We thank you for your interest and look forward to your further support,
at this final stage of the co-decision process. |